Monday, 14 November 2016

Tunisia’s Counterterrorism Efforts – Counterproductive?

Often hailed as the success story of the Arab Spring, Tunisia’s democratic transition has encountered many challenges since 2011 including political assassinations, an attack on the U.S embassy, violent mass protests and terrorism, targeting government security forces, the military, civilians and tourists.  The latter in particular has received attention as statistics show that the greatest numbers of foreign fighters in Daesh or the Islamic State are Tunisians with over 6000 currently in Syria and Iraq and more than 5000 prevented from leaving Tunisia to join.  In addition, the Interior Ministry estimates over 700 have returned to Tunisia, with hundreds more entering undetected via Libya.  Though it cannot be said that all foreign fighters are, or will become terrorists, a strategy vacuum for rehabilitation and integration makes this more likely.  (Byman 2015)

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime has issued guidance for states on criminal justice responses to terrorism through the publication of a handbook.  Whilst acknowledging the need for change to adapt to the specific challenges that terrorism presents through new legislation, policy and procedures, it is absolute that this should not be at the expense of fundamental human rights.  The absence of a definition of terrorism under international law has enabled states such as Tunisia to create their own wide definitions, leading to questionable practices such as the ‘mass arrest’ of more than 1000 individuals in the aftermath of the Bardo and Sousse attacks in 2015.

The government’s response to the threat of terrorism under the leadership of President Essebsi has been controversial, from its prevention strategies to its law enforcement methods.  As such, there have been numerous calls from human rights groups about the need to respect basic rights in the pursuit of security, and in the management and minimisation of terror.  (Blank 2015)

Tunisians have been living under almost constant State of Emergency conditions since the Sousse attack in 2015.  Curfews have been imposed, large gatherings prohibited and additional powers have been given to the government regarding control of the media.  The conviction that ‘curtailed civil liberties’ are fully restored once security has returned becomes problematic when the status quo is emergency.  (Posner 2016)

During the same period, a new counterterrorism law was introduced which increased security services monitoring and surveillance powers, extended the holding period for arrested suspects from 6 days to 15, accepted closed courts and witness anonymity and introduced the death penalty for attacks which resulted in death. 

According to Amnesty International in Tunisia 15,000 people have been affected by travel restrictions; who have no access to the information regarding their ban and therefore no pathway to appeal the decision.  Restrictions on travel are seen as one of the key tools in preventing international terrorism. (UNODC)  Fighters who were successful in overcoming travel restrictions pose a potential national security threat on their return home as they are likely to be trained in using weapons and to use violence locally and/or regionally as well as acting as recruiters. (Byman 2015) 

Religion is often cited as the motivation of terrorists whilst neglecting the variety of other influencing factors.  (Crenshaw 2007) The main target of the security services in Tunisia is the Salafist community, leading to increased tensions between citizens and the government who feel their right to religious freedom is being attacked.  (Byman 2015)  High unemployment rates, marginalisation of young people and in particular those living in poorer rural areas of the country are all cited as influential factors in the rise of extremism. 

Research shows that even after the revolution there remains a high level of public mistrust of institutions, particularly the security services.   It would therefore be short-sighted of both legislators and policy makers to exacerbate this through the unequivocal prioritisation of security before human rights.  History shows that religiously motivated terror groups take considerably longer to end in comparison to other kinds of groups.  (Jones & Libicki 2008) Should Islamic State follow this trend, then Tunisia’s $255 million USD budget for counterterrorism may be conservative.  (Africa Research Bulletin 2016)
      


Monday, 17 October 2016

Refugee Protection; Pledges and Perilous Pathways


Between January and May of this year there were 2243 migrant deaths in the Mediterranean Sea as they attempted to reach Europe, an increase of 34% based on the same period in 2015. Despite these figures, state and media security discourse around the refugee crisis has mostly focused on EU borders and citizens and less so on the security of the people risking their lives on boats, the majority of whom are Syrian refugees. (Perkowski 2016) According to UNHCR, ‘At this rate 2016 will be the deadliest year on record in the Mediterranean sea.’
UNHCR is the organisation that has a legal obligation concerned with the protection of refugees including their ‘physical security’.  In 2015 it launched the ‘Special Mediterranean Initiative’ in response to the growing numbers of deaths.  In cooperation with EU member states, African and Middle Eastern states, the initiative proposes several actions including expanding ‘access to solutions’ through the creation of resettlement opportunities and other safe and legal avenues to Europe.  However states have moved ‘painfully slowly’ in fulfilling their commitments and have been accused of drawing back support in light of the ‘one in one out’ deal with Turkey.   The deal means that for every refugee (who has entered Europe illegally) in Greece that is returned to Turkey, Europe will resettle a Syrian refugee currently in Turkey who has not tried to enter Europe illegally, thus incentivising the use of legal avenues.  Critics are sceptical of both its legality and likelihood for success.
As Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan struggle to cope with the numbers of Syrian refugees even with EU funding, the preference of states to offer humanitarian aid far from their own borders as opposed to offering resettlement opportunities is highly apparent.  (Cuellar 2006) At the end of 2015 it was announced that Turkey alone will receive 3 billion euros from EU institutions and states to help 800,000 Syrian refugees within its borders but whether or not that will be enough to stem the flow of boats in the Mediterranean remains to be seen.  It won’t deter people trying to enter Europe via Italy’s shores from North Africa.
A small coalition of churches and NGOs in Italy has opted to directly intervene and create ‘humanitarian corridors’ to provide safe and legal passage to Syrian refugees via flights to Europe in a scheme that successfully piloted in February 2016 and is now being considered by governments such as Switzerland.  The project which also supports the integration of the refugees has been welcomed by the Italian government which has incurred none of the associated costs, raising questions about the responsibilities of states. 
Nicole Ostrand makes 3 recommendations regarding enhanced security for Syrian refugees beyond the neighbouring countries, all of which are focused on increasing opportunities for safe and legal movement.  They are largely in line with the UNHCR recommendations however there is an additional suggestion that refugees should be able to apply for protection through developed states embassies in the neighbouring countries. (Ostrand 2015)
However this seems unrealistic due to the lack of political will amongst European states, particularly in a time of rising xenophobia and the success of right-wing anti-immigration parties to resettle refugees.  (Hammerstad 2000) UNHCR efforts to reduce the numbers of refugees attempting to enter Europe via the Mediterranean and increase state resettlement quotas are limited due to its funding dependency from those very governments.  (Cuellar 2006)  Perhaps the Italian ‘Corridoi Umanitari’ initiative’s success derives from its non-governmental funding sources, a replication by the Swiss government may offer more insight.
In the meantime the desperation of refugees and migrants to reach Europe outweighs the fear of the perilous journey they must make to get there.

Wednesday, 11 March 2015

Inside Israel's Military Courts - visiting Ofer

Ofer - UN photograph
According to Addameer Association, there are currently 6200 Palestinian political prisoners.  Every person I have met during my short time in the West Bank has a friend or relative who has been imprisoned, often under 'administrative detention' meaning they have not been charged or tried.    Any opposition to the occupation is deemed a 'threat' to the security of Israel. Perhaps it is this alleged 'threat' that Israel feels justifies their continued human rights abuses of prisoners.

This week, I attended a trial of my friend Mohammad Alazza in 'Ofer' Israeli military court, which lies within the Ofer prison grounds on the outskirts of Ramallah.  I wasn't convinced I would be permitted entry however on reflection it is obvious that Israel's international impunity which has allowed the occupation and land theft to continue, means they no longer care who knows  the ins and outs of their mickey mouse judicial system.

Despite its close proximity to bustling Ramallah, it is an eerily quiet place.  It was 27 degrees and court attendees have to park some distance away, walking along a dusty track to pass their first security check.  A young Israeli woman looked at my passport and sent us through the metal turnstiles.  Like many of the soldiers/security staff I met, she spoke neither Arabic nor English, making the process even more confusing and obscure.  We then walked a much further distance, passing a manned watch tower, the occupying army flag flying high in the air.  

We arrived to the 'waiting room' which is effectively an over-sized bus shelter with rusty chairs and a few lockers where you should leave all your belongs and pay 5 shekels for the privilege.  At this point, I feel like I'm seeing scenes from Guantanamo prison - definitely not the 'Visit Israel', 'only democracy in the Middle East' propaganda.    There are two toilets here, one without a door.  Families wait here come winter, rain or snow.

The first waiting area
Eventually, Mohammad's name is barked over the crackling speaker.  He is a journalist and has been attending court for the same case every month for over two years, never knowing if this will be the day he is taken to prison or fined an obscene amount of money based on a case with zero evidence.  He is a joker by nature, light-hearted despite a heavy life.  However throughout the day I feel his frustration and his exhaustion with it all.

I have to leave my passport with the security staff which always unnerves me.  When we arrive to the final holding area, I'm shocked to see that 'courts' are Ikea-esque portacabins.  Two women approach us from an Israeli nongovernmental organisation, they are there acting as observers and try to keep the plaintive informed of the court proceedings, however they seem as bemused as we are.  They introduce us to an Israeli lawyer who tells us he was shot by the IDF for attending a protest in Nabi Saleh, he received compensation but there was no punishment for the soldier who was caught on film shooting him at close range.  If there is no justice for their own citizens, how can we expect it for Palestinians?

Unfortunately, my friends lawyer was unable to attend, meaning his case will be yet again postponed. However this was not before the judge tried to convince him to accept his sentence without his lawyer being present and the prosecutor recommending he goes to prison and is fined.

We are the last to leave Ofer military court that day.  We say goodbye to the Israeli woman through the caged walkway we are forced to exit through as they step into their car to return home.

The experience reminded me of being at the theatre, seeing a play I've already been to.  This 'court' is not about justice, nor security, it's about the control and degradation of the Palestinian people.  And as an added bonus, they are making money from this farcical process.

 

Mohammad reports from Aida refugee camp on a regular basis, you can check out his work here - Mohammad Al-Azza.  

Tuesday, 24 February 2015

Buyer's Remorse

Willful ignorance is no longer an option, it is time for humanity to wake up and act for Palestine.  It is long overdue.


During the last assault on Gaza in the summer of 2014, a group of Dutch children produced a touching short film called 'We are no longer here', depicting the loss of lives of children at the hands of Israeli forces.  Over 2000 civilians were killed, over 1500 children orphaned and many others left permanently disfigured, scarred or disabled.

In the U.K, the only time we hear about Palestinians is during this kind of assault - or if an Israeli is killed, but of their daily suffering, we know so little.  We hear the terms 'ceasefire' or 'period of calm' etc and assume everything is fine and returning to 'normal' - but could you accept this supposed normal?

The Israeli aggression is systematic, brutal and sadistic to put it bluntly.  A couple of days ago after the 'worst snow in 30 years' they opened the dams leading to Gaza, resulting in the evacuation of 80 families from their homes, in a tiny strip of land where many are still sleeping in tents after the last attack.  This kind of deliberate act is about far more than destroying houses, its about destroying hope and a reminder that there is always a continued threat of violence, and you should never believe you are safe.  The checkpoints do the same job, they stand as constant threat of punishment and fear. 
One strand of hope, is the call to BDS (boycott, divestment and sanctions) and this is where you come in.  The boycott is arguably one of the last peaceful means of ending the occupation as Israel continue to build illegal settlements showing complete disregard for peace talks.  There are now many smartphone apps which will make this easier for you to check which brands and products are safe to buy!


 It worked in South Africa, and it can work for Palestine.  Here are just a few simple steps.

1.  Check your fresh fruit and veg

Unfortunately our supermarket shelves are full to the brim of Israeli produce - and even worse often produce from *illegal settlements (effectively stolen goods) which has been misleadingly labelled. 

Items in particular to watch out for are  - fresh herbs, avocados, exotic fruits and peppers.

2.  Dead Sea Products




You know when you're walking through a shopping centre and someone wants 'just a moment' of your time?  Well there is a reason that your gut feeling is to run for the hills.  'Kedem' and others sell products from the Dead Seam, making lucrative profits in a booming industry, and, you guessed it, at the expense of the Palestinians who are unable to do so due to the occupation.

Anything labelled 'Dead Sea' is likely to come from an Israeli company - however there are a handful of Jordanian ones.  Do your research before you buy and if in doubt, avoid!




3.  Coca Cola



Coca Cola own factories in the illegal settlements in the West Bank and as such are now a target for the boycott campaign. 

It's also extremely bad for your health (who remembers cleaning coins with it as a kid?) and if you're lucky enough to live in Scotland you know we have a far tastier teeth rotting alternative!

4.  Nestle

Pretty much one of the most evil organisations ever known to mankind and the most boycotted in the U.K.  The list of companies and brands connected to them is too long to go through but check it out yourself - you might be surprised! - http://www.ethicalconsumer.org/boycotts/boycottslist/nestleboycottprofile.aspx




What I cannot stress enough is to use your power as a consumer to make real change.  When you stop shopping somewhere or a buying a certain product, write on the company wall, Tweet them, send an email or speak directly to a member of staff. 

Recently a Palestinian friend said to me that if things continue as they are, 'in twenty years we will no longer be here' - and we simply cannot allow that to happen.  For the sake of the living, and for the respect of the dead, take these first small steps to freedom for Palestine, it is the least we can do.



*What are settlements
Israeli Settlements are a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.  This means that they are illegal under international law and have been condemned over and over again around the world.  However this hasn't stopped Israel from building them.  There are currently around 500,000 settlers living in the West Bank, many of whom frequently harass and attack local Palestinians, including children.  Palestinians who dare to defend themselves will be dealt with by the Israeli authorities who have a less than desirable track record for justice.

Friday, 19 December 2014

What's so special about Arab countries anyway?

For a lot of people at home, our perception of Arab countries and people comes from what we see on the news.  War torn lands, refugees fleeing, dictators and human rights abuses are the messages we are bombarded with.  And dismally, for some people and places, this is the case.  But what about the other side of the coin?  There has to be some good, right?

I remember going into an office where I worked last year in Edinburgh and saying 'good morning' to a colleague who literally blanked me and walked on by, clutching her coffee.  There is a definite possibility that this person just didn't like me (I can be annoyingly perky at work) but there is also something about the way we greet each other.

The Arabic language, frustratingly difficult though it is, is rich and beautiful.  There are so many ways to greet each other that form a lovely daily ritual.  My favourite exchanges are between men, calling 'habibi' (my beloved) to each other in the street or across offices, and women, warmly greeting each other with a minimum of 3 kisses on cheeks.    It is not unusual to ask each other several times in one conversation 'how are you?', a pretty little conversational dance I have grown to adore.

This also reflects the slower pace of life and difference in priorities in comparison to what I am used to at home.  In the NGO office where I'm doing an internship, my manager takes the time to chat with me every morning about life and work, it might only be for 5 minutes but they are an important 5 minutes that make my morning positive and motivating.  In the afternoon, the team enjoy an impromptu lunch of  a variety of delicious snacks from the local supermarket, everyone sharing together.  There is an Arabic saying 'salt and bread' which is used to highlight the importance of sharing food together in building friendships, and it's really true.  I love these moments, particularly when someone passes the office and is immediately invited to join us and should refuse a minimum of 3 times before they are allowed to leave!

In Tunisia, I am ashamed to say that for the first time in my life, I saw children as a wonderful part of society as opposed to seeing them as mainly noisy and annoying.  At home, we have parks and cinemas etc, but all too often children are put in adult environments and told to 'behave like grown ups'.  Here, children are allowed to be children regardless of where they are and appreciated as they are.  Thanks to the closeness of extended families, inter-generational relations are also far more common place.

The next one is perhaps a little biased, but hey, it's my blog and I'll write if I want to :)  Imagine, we each had an invitation throughout the day to take 5 minutes to relax, breathe and refocus on what's important.  This is how I feel about the 'adhan', call to prayer.  I love hearing it, I love watching people stop, taxi drivers in car parks putting their heads to the ground seeking peace and refuge from life's daily stresses.  Even if you don't accept the invite, you know it's always there!

Finally, it's the feeling of being safe, which being a woman in this world is more of a luxury than a right.  It may sound strange to say I feel safe in Palestine, of course I'm talking about personal safety and as a visitor I am not living the same experience as Palestinians of checkpoints, soldiers and daily violence committed against them.  However, in the Ramallah streets or in the avenues of Tunis, I feel protected.  Palestinians lived for years without formal law enforcement like police, well respected community leaders were responsible for justice and did so through mediation.  No justice system is perfect but perhaps the sense of 'us' as a community as opposed to 'us and them' created a greater sense of security.

I would like to end this post by sharing an Arabic proverb with you which reflects my experience of living in Arab countries, with the kindest people I've ever known;


Tuesday, 18 November 2014

Ahlan wa Sahlan (welcome)

It has been my dream to visit Palestine for 10 years, and finally, I am here.

Palestine doesn't have its own airport or control over its own borders because of the Israeli illegal occupation of the land so I, with a heavy heart, flew into Tel Aviv.

On the British government travel advice page, people flying into Israel are warned that their personal email and social media accounts may be accessed by Israeli authorities as a condition of entry.  Any evidence of intention to visit Palestine is mostly likely to result in hours of questioning or immediate removal - first flight home and banned from Israel.  Having a Muslim name or if you have visited other Arab countries are also likely to lead to refusal of entry.  'Security' is the reason given for such blantant racism.

So because of my birthplace, name and a little luck, I was paid little attention to and passed through immigration without problem. 

A family I met in Tunisia collected me from the airport and I spent my first days with them in their home in Ramallah.  Whilst I would like to publicly thank everyone here who has shown me great kindness, and tell their stories, at this stage I am apprehensive to do so in case of any repercussions for them by the Israeli authorities.

Ramallah is a very cosmopolitan city, with cafes, bars and restaurants and a wealth of internationals who work, volunteer or visit.  However, the apartheid wall which separates Israel from Palestine and is illegal under international law, is a cruel reminder that this is anything but a normal city for its inhabitants.


Crossing checkpoints can take hours and you never know how long Israeli soldiers will make you wait or why.  I've heard countless stories of women giving birth at checkpoints and others dying there, unable to pass even by ambulance.

Now I'm living in a refugee camp in Bethlehem supporting an artist who has a disability.  The camp has had soldiers raiding homes in the night twice since I arrived 2 days ago. This is life for Palestine's children. Yesterday we heard about an Arab bus driver who was beaten and hung by Israeli settlers, he was 32 years old and a father.  The news reported this as suicide.

Today, 4 Israelis have been killed in Jerusalem and it has been reported as 'the most deadly terror attack in 6 years.'

This year over 2000 Palestinians, including women, children and the elderly have been killed by the Israeli forces and settlers.  The violence committed against Palestinians happens every second they breathe with every house demolition, every soldier occupying heir land, every checkpoint, every blocking of food and medical supplies and every tear gas canister and bullet fired.

The prime minister Netanyahu has already promised a heavy handed response, which we know means the collective punishment of all Palestinians.



Wednesday, 8 October 2014

Going home

On 20th August, I began my long journey from Edinburgh to Tunisia, stopping in London and Paris. When the plane finally landed in Tunis, I was overwhelmed with nostalgia and as the doors opened, I took a long, deep breath.

Home.  I was finally home.

How I had longed for that day, to have a Tunisian stamp in my new passport, to be greeted with 'peace be upon you', to hear Arabic again, to travel down streets called 'Rue Pakistan' & 'Rue Palestine', to disregard seatbelts and queues and to throw myself into the busy crowd and get lost forever, in jasmine and sunshine.

It's strange to go back somewhere you never really left.  Tunisia has become such a part of who I am, I can't ever leave it behind.  This time, I was there for a wedding and to visit friends and a very important little girl.  But I was also there to see if everything I felt remained.  Was 2012 merely a happy period of my life or could I have new stories, new love and life in Tunisia?

As soon as I seen Lucia, the Italian other half of me I felt myself again, maybe for the first time since I left.  We hugged in the street outside the big mosque in 'Passage' and I grabbed a fistful of her lovely little curls as I always did.  She'd stayed on after I left and was making a new home with her Tunisian half :)  As she had to work, I made plans to catch up with old and new friends in Tunis before we would travel to Sousse together.

I made the decision to meet up with someone I knew only via Facebook due to our shared love of Palestine.  I was a little apprehensive but oddly, less so than I would be in Edinburgh.  Wrongly or rightly, I have always felt safe in Tunisia.  Jihed met me with gifts of jasmine and flags from the greatest countries on earth - Tunisia and Palestine, ofcourse.  We met his sister, a writer and had a fantastic lunch in a rooftop restaurant in the medina.  They invited me to a concert at night in Carthage, Roman ruins overlooking Tunis.  To my delight, it was Shadia Mansour, a rapper from London and I was lucky enough to meet her at the end of the night.  In less than 24 hours, two people who had never met me before, gave me one of the most special days of my life.




Returning to Sousse where I spent the best year of my life was extremely emotional for me.  In one city I found myself, found soul mates & family, found love and the life I had always dreamt of.  I guess I was a little scared that my feelings would have changed, that maybe my city had become too intertwined with my feelings for the man I fell in love with there.  But very quickly I remembered that actually, my heart belongs to Tunisia, before anyone else.

I will always have a reason to go back and it's not because of one person, it is because of every person.  Jalel, my dear mentor and his wonderful family who always welcome me like their daughter and sister.  AJMEC and its members - the association who took care of me and even gave me a place to stay this time around.  My sister Mariem, who makes such a difference to this world, breaking barriers and prejudices simply by being her wonderful self, she inspires me everyday.  The beautiful little girl living in SOS children's village in Akouda, who threw her arms around me and brought peace to my heart.

Until next time, n7ebbekom (I love you all) x

'' Love is a temporary madness, it erupts like volcanoes and then subsides. And when it subsides, you have to make a decision. You have to work out whether your roots have so entwined together that it is inconceivable that you should ever part. Because this is what love is."   - Louis de Bernières