Between January and May of this year there were 2243 migrant deaths in the Mediterranean
Sea as they attempted to reach Europe, an increase of 34% based on the same
period in 2015. Despite these figures, state and media security discourse
around the refugee crisis has mostly focused on EU borders and citizens and
less so on the security of the people risking their lives on boats, the
majority of whom are Syrian refugees. (Perkowski 2016)
According to UNHCR, ‘At this rate 2016
will be the deadliest year on record in the Mediterranean sea.’
UNHCR is the organisation that has a legal obligation concerned
with the protection of refugees including their ‘physical security’. In
2015 it launched the ‘Special Mediterranean Initiative’ in response to the growing numbers of
deaths. In cooperation with EU member states, African and Middle Eastern
states, the initiative proposes several actions including expanding ‘access to
solutions’ through the creation of resettlement opportunities and other safe and
legal avenues to Europe. However states have moved ‘painfully slowly’ in fulfilling their commitments and
have been accused of drawing back support in light of the ‘one in one out’ deal with Turkey. The deal
means that for every refugee (who has entered Europe illegally) in Greece that
is returned to Turkey, Europe will resettle a Syrian refugee currently in
Turkey who has not tried to enter Europe illegally, thus incentivising the use
of legal avenues. Critics are sceptical of both its legality and
likelihood for success.
As Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan struggle to cope with the numbers
of Syrian refugees even with EU funding, the preference of states to offer
humanitarian aid far from their own borders as opposed to offering resettlement
opportunities is highly apparent. (Cuellar 2006) At the end of 2015 it
was announced that Turkey alone will receive 3
billion euros from EU
institutions and states to help 800,000 Syrian refugees within its borders but
whether or not that will be enough to stem the flow of boats in the
Mediterranean remains to be seen. It won’t deter people trying to enter
Europe via Italy’s shores from North Africa.
A small coalition of
churches and NGOs in Italy has opted to directly intervene and create
‘humanitarian corridors’ to provide safe and legal passage to Syrian refugees
via flights to Europe in a scheme that successfully piloted in February 2016
and is now being considered by governments such as Switzerland. The project which also
supports the integration of the refugees has been welcomed by the Italian
government which has incurred none of the associated costs, raising questions
about the responsibilities of states.
Nicole Ostrand makes 3 recommendations regarding enhanced
security for Syrian refugees beyond the neighbouring countries, all of which
are focused on increasing opportunities for safe and legal movement. They
are largely in line with the UNHCR recommendations however there is an
additional suggestion that refugees should be able to apply for protection
through developed states embassies in the neighbouring countries. (Ostrand
2015)
However this seems unrealistic due to the lack of political will
amongst European states, particularly in a time of rising xenophobia and the
success of right-wing anti-immigration parties to resettle refugees.
(Hammerstad 2000) UNHCR efforts to reduce the numbers of refugees attempting to
enter Europe via the Mediterranean and increase state resettlement quotas are
limited due to its funding dependency from those very governments.
(Cuellar 2006) Perhaps the Italian ‘Corridoi Umanitari’ initiative’s
success derives from its non-governmental funding sources, a replication by the
Swiss government may offer more insight.
In the meantime the desperation of refugees and migrants to
reach Europe outweighs the fear of the perilous journey they must make to get
there.
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